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New US chemical safety law puts ordinary Americans at risk


A revised US law that controls toxic chemicals panders to major corporations
Article image
President Obama delivers remarks before signing H.R. 2576, the Frank R. Lautenberg Chemical Safety for the 21st Century Act (Image from Official White House Photo by Pete Souza)
Last week, US President Barack Obama signed a major overhaul of the Toxic Substances Control Act (TSCA), the federal law regulating toxic chemicals that are contained in most consumer products.
“Folks should have the confidence to know the laundry detergent we buy isn’t going to make us sick, the mattress our babies sleep on isn’t going to harm them,” Obama said at a signing ceremony for the legislation.

Unfortunately, through the revised law Congress failed to give American families, consumers, and health-affected communities what they desperately want: assurance that toxic chemicals in consumer products won’t harm their health.

That’s why state governments, environmental health watchdogs, and individuals will continue to play a vital role in protecting public health from harmful chemicals.

While the chemical industry and many product manufacturers celebrate the new TSCA, environmental health and consumer groups recognise it for what it is, a win for Big Chem and a loss for public health.

The TSCA gives the US Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) important new authority to tackle the problem of toxic chemicals. For the first time, there are also enforceable deadlines and schedules for research, as well as dedicated funding from fees paid by industry.

The Washington Toxics Coalition’s primer on the new law can be found
here.

The pace of change will be slow, however. It contains requirements that will divert resources, which will take time to process. State authority is unduly infringed under the bill, but enough is preserved that states can still take the lead in public health interventions for many if not most chemicals.

The new law does make some improvements by requiring chemical testing and making it easier for the EPA to restrict the use of harmful chemicals. But the timelines and pace for federal action are very slow – up to 14 years before EPA has to restrict a chemical.

Before TSCA reform, residents could count on states to provide protection from toxic chemicals if EPA action was too slow or if EPA failed to act. The states passed strong laws and beat the chemical industry again and again. In the past three decades, 38 states passed over 250 laws that were stronger than federal standards.

But the new TSCA puts a straitjacket on states. It blocks them from passing restrictions on chemicals for up to four years once the EPA begins studying a high priority chemical. The chemical industry made this provision one of their bottom lines and it’s not surprising. Four years is a lot of time to profit from millions of pounds of toxic chemicals that end up in our products, homes, bodies, and environment.

But four years is also a lot of time for children to be exposed to harmful chemicals, for more and more people to experience diseases linked to toxic chemical exposure, and for the health of waterways and wildlife to decline. It’s too long. This is why state governments, citizens, and watchdogs must continue to act to protect public health from toxic threats.

State laws that require consumer product makers to disclose the toxic chemicals in their products will continue to be critical sources of information for policymakers and consumers. States should expand these laws to require disclosure for more consumer products and more chemicals.

States must continue enforcing existing laws that residents have come to rely on to keep them safe. State restrictions on chemicals, such as lead-based toxic flame retardants and phthalates, have given consumers confidence that products are safer, resulted in nationwide phase-outs in the marketplace, and even driven the federal government to act.

For Washington state, it will be able to implement 
the new flame retardant law, including banning additional toxic flame retardants, thanks to a provision in the new law negotiated by our allies at Safer Chemicals, Healthy Families.

Chemicals not covered by TSCA include those used in cosmetics, additives and food packaging. These products are used every day by consumers and states can and should take action when necessary.

There are over 80,000 chemicals on the US market today. TSCA reform still allows for state action when EPA fails or takes too long to regulate. States must step in to push the federal government to act and, when necessary; keep pressure on EPA; and pass their own laws to protect their residents and environment like they have for 30 years. 


TSCA may not be all that we hoped, but TSCA reform happened because all of us demanded stronger toxics laws in our communities, states, and at the federal level. This progress can’t end and won’t.  
This blog is based on an article published on the WA Toxics coalition website, and can be found here.

courtesy:chinadialogue

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China raises alarm over Argentine beef


Argentina’s move towards intensive cattle farming has prompted concern in one of its main export markets, writes Ardash Vartparonian
Article image
(Image by Beatrice Murch)
For many, the idea of Argentine beef conjures up bucolic scenes of plump cattle grazing insouciantly in the open Pampas. But the reality of the industry is very different.

Over 70% of the country’s cattle are reared in feedlots - enclosed plots use for intensive animal farming - according to the Argentine Feedlot Chamber, a number that is only likely to rise.

A growing demand for beef from countries like China has more Argentine farmers switching to intensive production in tiny lots in order to maximise profits, a process known as “precision cattle raising”.

Ricardo Buryaile, Argentina’s minister of agriculture, recently 
expressed his country’s desire to become a world-leading agricultural exporter, and identified China as a principal destination for a range of products including fruit, milk and meat.

Yet Argentine beef exports to China came under scrutiny recently after a shipment was found by China’s inspection and quarantine services (CIQ) to contain the banned antibiotic chloramphenicol. Chinese authorities immediately stopped unloading the 11,000 tonne shipment, which will have most likely been destroyed.

Argentina’s National Health and Food Quality Service (SENASA) took samples from the slaughterhouse where the shipment was processed and the ranch where it was reared before releasing a statement saying the incident was a one-off. Tests revealed that the drug had not shown up in more than 40,000 previous samples.

The agency insisted meat exports from Argentina to China, worth some US$200 million (1.3 billion yuan) annually, would continue as normal.

In 2015, China imported over forty thousand tonnes of Argentine beef, accounting for 36% of Argentina’s total exports. The figure represents a 110% increase on the previous year. But despite SENASA’s best efforts, some analysts fear that the detection of a banned substance could negatively 
impact meat exports to a country increasingly concerned about food safety.
Miguel Lovera of the Centre for Research on Rural Law and Agrarian Reform at the Catholic University of Asunción, Paraguay, has doubts about the ethics of mass production of beef in South America: “It would surprise me if this were an isolated incident,” he told Diálogo Chino.

“Most Argentinean beef now is produced in huge feedlots where conditions are grim from a sanitary point of view, and control authorities are very corrupt,” Lovera said, adding that growing Chinese demand for Latin American beef is also associated with considerable environmental impacts.

Argentina has a murky history of disease outbreak in its beef industry.  The country restarted exporting beef to China in 2011 after a 2006 outbreak of foot and mouth disease only a year after trade had been restored following a previous outbreak in 2001. China has now become Argentina’s  largest overseas consumer, overtaking Chile and Russia.
Trade impacts

Though the chloramphenicol incident might be the first involving beef from Argentina, similar cases have strained relations with China’s other important trade partners.

In 2014, Chinese authorities stopped imports of large quantities of Australian beef due to a high presence of hormone growth promotants (
HGPs).

Yang Miao, vice-president of Meat International Group, a Chinese export consultancy firm that specialises in beef, told chinadialogue's sister site Diálogo Chino that the furore caused a sudden shortage in supply as it was later discovered that 70% of Australian beef imports failed to meet new Chinese standards.

However, Miao downplayed the risks of a similar collapse in Argentine meat exports to China: “This case may be a one-off, and generally this will mean the shipment is returned or destroyed,” he said, adding: “tThe impact of this case will depend on whether it leads to new standards.”

As for penalties, Miao says the government won’t fine the importer so long as products haven’t been sold on.

Food safety

Chloramphenicol is one of the many drugs that rings alarm bells for the China Food and Drug Administration (
CFDA). In 2015, meat products such as beef, pork and poultry sampled from different domestic suppliers were discovered to have residues that exceeded permitted levels.

Widespread fears about food safety within China led to the creation of CFDA in 2013 to replace the old State Food and Drug Administration (SFDA).

The move elevated the body to the level of ministry in an 
attempt to restore consumer confidence after several scandals rocked the country. Most notorious was the 2008 tainted milk powder scandal which led to the deaths of at least four babies and left thousands more ill; and in 2013 the discovery of an illicit meat ring selling fox and rat meat as mutton.

According to Wang Jing, food and agriculture officer of Greenpeace China, the ministry is still coming to terms with its newfound status and is largely handled by the same departments as before.

Side effects

Chloramphenicol was first obtained from a Venezuelan soil fungus in 1947 and was commonly used to treat bacterial infections such as typhoid fever and conjunctivitis.

It was the first antibiotic to be manufactured synthetically on a large scale, but was later linked to serious adverse health effects, such as the rare blood disorder aplastic anaemia and grey baby syndrome – which can make newborns sick and lethargic.

Use of chloramphenicol is highly restricted in both humans and animals, though it can still be found in drops for eye and ear infections in animals as well as other veterinary medicines. Due of the serious side effects in humans, various health agencies worldwide banned its usage in animals reared for human consumption in the 1980s, with SENASA following suit in 1995.

Diplomatic mission

Both SENASA and the Chinese authorities have 
agreed this was an exceptional case. Argentine meat exports to China have so far not been affected and will not be subject to especially intense safety checks.

Meanwhile, the cattle ranch responsible for supplying the tainted beef has had its output temporarily suspended while the Chinese authorities analyse a report by Jorge Dillon, president of SENASA.

Lingering doubts


The European Union recently decided to lift a restriction on Argentine animal products that has been in place since 2003.

Argentina has only exported frozen and deboned beef to China, since deboning separates meat from bone marrow, where foot and mouth disease can be found.

Freezing also helps exterminate some bacteria and extend shelf-life.

Ricardo Negri, Argentina’s secretary of agriculture, livestock and fishing, reaffirmed in Beijing recently that meat remains a priority export: “We’re going to be able to advance with fresh beef and mutton. I think we’ll be hearing good news by the end of the year.”

SENASA did not respond to Diálogo Chino’s request for comment.

This report appeared originally in Diálogo Chino and can be found here.
courtesy:chinadialogue

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The China-funded dam highlights lack of green safeguards along the New Silk Road, writes Eugene Simonov
Article image
The Baikal seal is found nowhere else on Earth. (Image by Sergey Gabdurakhmanov)
Every Chinese person knows about one place in Siberia –  Lake Baikal. It is not necessarily famous for its unique biodiversity or for being the deepest lake in the world.  Every winter, radio broadcasts warn Chinese listeners about “cold air masses that are moving in from the Lake Baikal”.  It’s also the subject of a popular folk song.

Lake Baikal contains 20% of the world’s freshwater resources and affects the regional climate of North Asia and the Arctic Basin. The lake is home to 2,500 aquatic species and local communities in Mongolia and Russia revere the lake as the “Sacred Sea”.

Chinese people are beginning to value Lake Baikal and are increasingly coming as tourists to see it. Some visitors are even investing in the risky tourism business around the lake. Recently the China-based Well of the World company proposed pouring Baikal water into bottles to quench Chinese thirst.  But this nature-friendly relationship could be severely damaged as the China Export-Import Bank (China EXIM Bank) has pledged a soft loan to Mongolia for a project that may tip the fragile ecological balance of the ancient lake.
Selenga drains much of northern Mongolia into Lake Baikal.
The Selenge River drains much of northern Mongolia into Lake Baikal. On November 11, 2015, Mongolia and China issued a joint statement that calls for the development of large industrial projects including major coal projects and hydropower. For that Mongolia secured a US$ 1 billion (6.6 billion yuan) loan from the China EXIM Bank, which it intends to use for the construction of the Egiin Gol hydropower project.  A US$ 100 million concession for access roads and bridges has been awarded to China Gezhouba and construction activity began during the harsh winter months.

These energy schemes are essential parts of China’s New Silk Road Initiative, aimed at integrating the country with its neighbours. But in the spring, Chinese authorities intervened to suspend the dam project until due diligence is carried out on transboundary impacts. This highlights the lack of environmental safeguards and green development guidelines under the Silk Road, which provides polluting state-owned companies that are, no longer welcome at home, with opportunities to invest in infrastructure, energy and heavy industry in neighboring countries.

Dam damage

The hydropower project is located on the Eg River near its confluence with the Selenge River, the main source of Lake Baikal. Feasibility studies for the hydropower dam were completed ten years ago under the auspices of the Asian Development Bank in an ill-directed attempt to boost renewable energy use in Mongolia. Although electricity generation potential of the rapidly drying rivers of Mongolia is 3,000 times smaller than that its wind and sun potential, the World Bank followed the Chinese script. Its feasibility studies for several coal projects and two more large dams in the Baikal Basin, one of them –  the Shuren Hydro dam –  is planned on the Selenge River itself.

Mongolian government agencies are looking at 10 more hydropower dam locations on the Baikal Basin, justified by the need to “de-carbonise” the energy sector and achieve energy independence from Russia.

Climate stricken lake

The International Union for Conservation of Nature reported in 2015 that the combined effects of the projects on the lake are not fully known and could seriously damage its UNESCO World Heritage status.

The World Heritage Committee discussed the dams that could damage Lake Baikal at a meeting in Bonn in July 2015. The committee set forth requirements for an impact assessment of Egiin Gol and two other projects, as well as a cumulative impacts assessment for all three dams. The committee requested Mongolia (and by default, China) to hold approval of the projects until all assessments for dams have been completed and reviewed by the World Heritage Centre.
Sergey Gabdurakhmanov
Lake Baikal (Image by Sergey Gabdurakhmanov)

The ecosystem of the lake has already been severely damaged by the construction of the Irkutsk Hydropower plant built upstream in Russia in 1960. This, along with prolonged drought in Mongolia, has led to a decline in the lake’s water levels. Climate change and pollution combined to create an ecological and socio-economic crisis on the Baikal Lake shore with massive invasive algae blooms, a decline in fisheries and an increase in severe peat fires in the Selenge River delta.

Weak standards 

So how did China, which is prioritising a cleaner environment at home, and promoting “green development” globally as a G20 leader, make such a dangerous mistake by starting work on Egiin Gol?

This is a consequence of gaps still present in the design of China’s New Silk Road Initiative (or One Belt One Road) aimed at integrating the country with its neighbours and global markets. However great it is at boosting new economic cooperation, the New Silk Road Initiative so far lacks clear environmental safeguards and specific green development guidelines. Grand plans for “new economic corridors” are not subjected to strategic environmental assessments to avoid environmental damage and select the best alternatives.
 
silk road
Map sourced from the Hong Kong Trade Development Council

Finally, there is no mechanism for consultation with stakeholders living along the Silk Road. Without this, Chinese investors lack information on actual environmental and social risks. Or they get it too late, as in this case when supervising agencies ordered Gezhouba to stop construction. China’s National Development and Reform Commission suspended the project over concerns about transboundary impacts of the dam project, according to sources within the company and the Mongolian foreign ministry.  China EXIM Bank has also asked their Mongolian counterparts to conduct due diligence on Egiin Gol. Meanwhile the project is in limbo.

Most likely, Chinese agencies pursuing energy cooperation with Mongolia had not assessed the environmental effects of various investment options or the associated trans-boundary water issues. Then, all of a sudden this spring, the EXIM Bank received a letter from the people of Russia’s Kabansk District in the Selenge River Delta and learned that the project it was supporting could harm Lake Baikal, which is the source of cold winter air in China.

An alternative way forward was proposed by the  64,000 people who signed a petition last year asking Mongolia, Russia and China to support solar and wind instead of hydropower and coal. China, with its ambitions to develop a large-scale renewable industry, should listen to these voices.

An earlier version of this article was published on Russia Beyond the Headlines.
courtesy"chinadialogue

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Germany overhauls its flagship energy policy


Germany promises more renewables but big utilities take back control, writes Arne Jungjohann
Article image
The Krughütte Solar Park is a 29.1-megawatt (MW) photovoltaic power station in Eisleben, Germany. (Image by Parabel GmbH)
Germany is a world leader in renewable energy deployment. Driven by a long-term renewable energy policy that dates back decades and, more recently, a nuclear power phase-out, the country is spearheading a transition to renewables commonly known as the Energiewende (energy transition).

For many years, the policy instrument of choice was a feed-in tariff (FIT). It guaranteed a fixed payment for (in most cases) 20 years and priority grid access for renewables. The policy provided high investment certainty and triggered tremendous growth in renewable power generation capacity.

When the initial law was introduced in 1990, the role of renewables in Germany’s power mix was negligible. By 2015, renewable electricity made up 32% of consumption and had grown at speed exceeding all expectations. The government repeatedly had to upgrade its targets to keep up with renewables growth.
Renewable share of German electricity consumption by source. Summed up, the share of renewables by 2015 was 32.5 percent.

But a couple of weeks ago, the German government put forward plans to overhaul the Energiewende’s flagship policy. The planned reform of the Renewable Energy Sources Act includes a switch from feed-in tariffs to auctions.
Sigmar Gabriel, Energy Minister and party leader of the Social Democrats, hails the reform as a paradigm shift in the way renewables are funded: “More competition, continuous growth with effective steering, restrictions on costs, stakeholder diversity and dovetailing with grid expansion - these are the coordinates for the next phase of the energy transition.”
With the reform, the government reiterates previously set goals to increase the share of renewable electricity to 40-45% in 2025, to 55-60% in 2035 and to at least 80% by 2050.

But to keep a steady hand on the rise in renewable power, a “deployment corridor” will set limits on how much renewables capacity may be added per year. These limits are set per technology: For onshore wind, a gross amount of 2,800 megawatts is to be auctioned each year over the next three years (2017, 2018 and 2019), increasing thereafter.
For solar, 600 megawatts will be auctioned each year, and the overall corridor of 2,500 megawatts per year will remain (the remainder being built under FITs). For offshore wind, the overall target is 15,000 megawatts by 2030.
For biomass, 150 megawatts are annually up for auction in 2017, 2018 and 2019. Small renewables installations like rooftop solar will continue to receive feed-in tariffs (with small changes). The government believes this will ensure that citizen cooperatives and project developers remain active in operating small renewables plants.

These limits have been attacked for protecting old coal power plants at the expense of renewables. But the government argues it is making renewables deployment more predictable, thereby facilitating grid expansion and improving planning security for Germany’s neighbours and for the energy industry. After all, Chancellor Merkel promised the Energiewende must not destroy German utilities.

Critics argue that the government is putting the brakes on the Energiewende. Green campaigners see the limits for onshore wind power, the most cost-competitive renewable technology, as a sign that the government is trying to slow the rapid growth of renewables.

In light of past growth rates, the concern seems justified. Since 2010, Germany has increased the share of renewables in electricity demand by annually 3.1% on average. If this growth path continued, the country would reach more than 60% renewables by 2025. With the new proposal, however, the government wants to ensure that renewables growth does not exceed its 2025 target of 40% to 45%.
http://energytransition.de/files/2016/01/2016-01-REShare-GrowthAndTargets.png

Anna Leidtreiter of the World Future Council
expects these changes will fundamentally threaten Germany`s leadership position within energy and climate politics, but also lead to significant job losses and reduce business opportunities for entrepreneurs.
The switch from feed-in tariffs to auctions would weaken investment opportunities for small investors, energy cooperatives, farmers and enterprises, she says. “Citizens are essentially the backbone of the energy transition in Germany. Energy cooperatives alone have invested about 1.3 billion euros (9.5 billion yuan) in RE projects, thus generating revenues for communities, regions and citizens," Leidtreiter argues.

Indeed, the Energiewende has democratised Germany’s power sector in the last few decades. Due to its inclusive design, the policy has enabled new stakeholders to enter the market. They have leveraged significant private investment over the past decade.
More than 800 energy cooperatives as well as private investors, farmers, banks and enterprises owned almost 90% of total installed renewables capacity at the end of 2012. In contrast, traditional utilities and energy suppliers invested very little and thus lost market shares.
German energy transition is a democratic movement

Up to now, the Renewable Energy Act has been a tremendous success story. As the International Renewable Energy Association (IRENA) says, Germany has shown the world that such a high level of renewables can be integrated without systemic problems, thanks to strong grid infrastructure and cross-border exchange links.

But the Energiewende as we know it is at a crossroads. So far citizens, communities and new investors have been the biggest drivers for the energy transition. If the caps and the switch from feed-in tariffs to auctions are implemented, large corporations will dominate the market.
The reform would exclude many potential investors, including citizens, whose billions of euros would be welcomed to finance the transformation to a low-carbon economy. A recent analysis by the Climate Policy Initiative (CPI) concludes that more than 30 billion euros a year could be available for investment in the expansion of renewable energy capacity in Germany as long as the country shifts policy effectively to deal with the next phase of the energy transition and keeps investment open.
These concerns are being discussed in Berlin. For international observers, it is important that broad sections of the country know that ownership matters in the energy sector.

The law is expected to be passed before the summer recess by the Bundestag (lower house) and the Bundesrat (upper house). It will be the government’s final major piece of energy legislation before the federal elections in 2017. The Energiewende will move forward.
Whether or not the reform puts Germany on track to cut greenhouse gas emissions by 40% by 2020 in comparison to 1990 remains to be seen. Either way, slowing down renewables growth to protect old coal plants is not what the world expects from a global climate leader. Germany’s next government will have to address the challenge of a coal phase-out and how to expand the Energiewende to the heat and transport sector.
courtesy:chinadialogue

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The UK votes to leave the European Union

The UK votes to leave the European Union



As four decades of unity come to an end, we reflect on what exiting the EU means for the future of UK-China energy and environmental cooperation

Article image
David Cameron gave a speech outside Number 10 announcing that Britain had voted to leave the European Union in the results of the EU referendum.  (Image by Number 10)
On the morning of Friday 24 June, the UK awoke to a position in the world that had changed irrevocably. Overnight, the result of the referendum called by the prime minister, David Cameron, on the UK’s forty year membership of the European Union (EU) was delivered: 53% of those who voted had chosen exit. The UK, and the EU, are now in uncharted territory.

Within hours, the prime minister announced his resignation, adding further uncertainties to the political landscape; the UK currency nose-dived and the governor of the Bank of England urgently sought to calm the financial markets. Whilst nobody can be sure what is in store, the overwhelming weight of expert opinion predicts difficult times for the UK economy.

The referendum revealed a deeply divided nation: Scotland and Northern Ireland, London, university graduates and the under 25s, all voted strongly to remain. Wales and provincial England voted – in some cases narrowly – to leave.

chinadialogue’s London-based staff also exercised their right to vote. I betray no secrets when I say that we are deeply disappointed by the result. However, the task now is to understand what it means and what its impacts will be on the UK, on Europe, on climate policy, and on relationships with the wider world, including China.

The process of disentangling the UK from the EU will be long and costly. In formal terms, it will involve invoking Article 50, which sets out a two-year time frame for departure. The whole process is likely to take much longer: four decades of legislation will have to be examined, as will more than 12,000 regulations, to determine which will be kept and which discarded; powers will have to be repatriated, and a parliament that has in its majority supported remaining in Europe will now have to approve the many steps required to exit.  At the same time, the UK will be obliged to seek new trading relationships, not only with 27 EU members, but with all the countries with which, until now, the UK has traded under EU agreements.

To add to the domestic complications, there is now renewed uncertainty about the future of the UK itself: since Scotland voted clearly to remain in the EU, there will certainly be pressure to renew a bid for independence that was narrowly defeated in a referendum only two years ago.

What will this mean for the UK’s foreign policy, its climate policy and its relationships with the wider world, including the US and China? Clearly the British state’s time and attention will be bound up in the aftermath of this political and economic earthquake for many years to come. This will make it a less active member of the international community, unlikely to resume its former leading position in, for instance, international climate diplomacy for some years.

Today, the only clear decision is that the UK will leave the EU. The terms of that departure and of the UK’s future relationship with Europe will not be settled for months, if not years.

We at chinadialogue have spent a decade working towards the profound economic, social and industrial transformations required to avoid catastrophic climate change, and towards a world in which nature and our own human species can thrive in a clean, healthy and productive environment. The UK has been proactive in climate policy inside the EU and beyond. It remains, for us, an urgent priority.

Like other EU member states, the UK’s climate policy has hitherto been bound into a wider European framework, as have the regulations that govern domestic environmental policies. In the past, the UK was a positive voice in Europe in support of climate action. Now the EU may have to revise its INDC to reflect the withdrawal of the UK and to consider whether other targets need to be reset. The UK’s departure will weaken and distract an EU already shaken by multiple crises. In this new landscape, there is a risk that climate and environmental policies will be seen as second order priorities.

The UK also has its own history of climate action: it signed the Kyoto Protocol in 1995 and passed its own Climate Change Act in 2008, committing the country to at least an 80% reduction in greenhouse gas emissions on 1990 levels by 2050. The UK will remain a Party to the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change, and a signatory to the Paris Agreement.

Domestically, the fifth carbon budget under the Climate Change Act will shortly be agreed; the UK’s Electricity Market Reform will continue to support low carbon energy and the commitment to phasing out coal by 2025 is unchanged. The UK will almost certainly ratify the Paris Agreement, although it will have to submit its own separate INDC.

None of this is immediately altered by the referendum vote. However, withdrawal will have implications for the UK’s role in the EU internal energy market, the EU Emissions Trading Scheme, the Effort Sharing Decision on climate action and the EU’s collective commitments to the UNFCCC.

The UK’s trading relationships have also been bound up with Europe for 40 years. Now it must choose between other options, from membership of the European Economic Area (EEA), the European Free Trade Association (EFTA) or neither. In addition, the UK will have to reach new trading relationships with the rest of the world, with implications for its role in clean technology markets, energy imports, and inward investment in the energy sector.

In recent years, the UK has pursued an active and positive relationship with China, seeking synergies in energy and climate policy, in low carbon development, and in the constructive combination of markets, innovation and technology. There is no reason to suppose that the UK would actively seek to downgrade such important relationships. But many have pointed out that a UK that has sacrificed its influence in the world’s largest trading bloc is a diminished partner, and one that will find it difficult to persuade others to consider it a priority.

Will we see a loss of momentum in China’s low-carbon technology investments in the UK? Earlier this year, the high-end UK automobile company Aston Martin signed a deal worth £50 million (450 million yuan) with China Equity to develop an electric sports car; the Chinese carmaker Geely promised an extra £50 million for research and development into a zero emissions version of the UK’s distinctive black cabs; and a UK  bus company agreed a £660 million deal to build electric buses in partnership with China’s BYD. It remains to be seen if such ventures will prove as attractive if the UK is no longer a gateway to the EU.

Today, the UK needs £100 billion of investment in its energy sector to update its power stations and develop low-carbon energy. The referendum result may have negative implications for inward investment, including that from China, as the UK’s economy comes under pressure and its relationship with its major market in Europe changes.

The referendum result is likely to cast new doubts over one flagship UK-China project in particular -- the £6 billion investment by China General Nuclear Power Corporation in the troubled plans for Hinkley Point C nuclear plant in Somerset, in south-west England. The project’s main developer is the French company, EDF, and China has promised to take a 33.5% equity stake. China also promised to provide finance new nuclear reactors at Sizewell in Suffolk, in return for being allowed to build and operate a Hualong reactor at Bradwell in Essex.  Repeated delays have already shaken confidence in Hinkley Point C. Today’s wider uncertainties may prove fatal.

It is up to the people of the UK now to defend today’s climate and environmental gains and to push them forward. Despite the shock and unavoidable uncertainty that we feel this morning, this remains a key priority, if, as of now, one that is rather less straightforward than it was.
courtesy:chinadialogue

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Chinese cities crack down on electric bikes


Plans to curb electric bikes could drive up car sales, pollution and congestion, reports Liu Qin
Article image
Electric bikes waiting for the traffic signal in Chengdu, Sichuan. (Image by killerturnip)
Users of electric bikes are the latest target of Beijing’s ongoing campaign to bring order to its chaotic, traffic-clogged streets.

Since April, Beijing’s city government said electric bikes, also known as e-bikes, would be banned from 10 major city centre roads, including Chang’an Avenue, a main thoroughfare, and its side streets.

Users of e-bikes, which are ubiquitous in many Chinese cities, have been penalised for ignoring traffic rules and threatening public safety by mounting kerbs and colliding with pedestrians.

Beijing currently has four million e-bikes, according to media reports.

Transportation authority statistics show 31,404 accidents last year involved e-bikes, with 113 people killed and 21,423 injured, accounting for 37% of all traffic accident injuries.

But critics of the e-bike ban say the government is overreacting, and that better urban planning, such as dedicated lanes for e-bikes, would reduce the number of collisions with pedestrians.

More crucially, experts say a  ban on e-bikes would likely boost the sales of cars, which contribute to dangerously high levels of particulate pollution in the capital.

According to research released last year, pollution from vehicles accounts for a third of Beijing’s smog, prompting the city’s government to impose tougher curbs on car use, including plans for a congestion charge.

“If we do away with them (e-bikes) people will have no option but to buy cars, which are larger and polluting, Chou Baoxing, a State Council advisor and former minister for housing and urban-rural development, said in an interview with Caijing magazine.

The car manufacturers would likely benefit, and traffic police will deal with fewer offences, but the city’s environment will suffer, with poorer air quality and increased congestion, Chou added.  

He pointed out that e-bikes, which are low carbon and suitable for an ageing population, have a valuable role in China’s sprawling, congested and fast growing cities.

Liu Daizong, head of the World Resources Institute’s China Sustainable Transport project, said that if the ban isn’t accompanied by preferential measures for alternative modes of transport, such as (non-motorised) bicycle and bus lanes, then electric bicycle owners will likely buy cars instead.

He Zuoxiu, a member of the Chinese Academy of Sciences, told chinadialogue that the ban is a test to see how the public reacts. “If there isn’t much opposition, it’s very likely the ban will be extended to other roads, and other cities in China,” he said.

For instance, in Shezhen 18,000 electric bicycles were confiscated in March this year, with 874 people arrested. Confiscated bicycles were piled up below overpasses, in “bicycle graveyards.”

Bike nation

China was once a land of bicycles. In 1994, almost every household owned two bicycles; across the country, there were only 2 million private cars (according to the Chinese Statistical Yearbook). By 2013 the number had shot up to 100 million cars; a 50-fold increase. Today, Beijing alone has 5.61 million vehicles.

And as the traditional-type bicycle fell from favour, e-bikes became more popular. Figures from industry website evtimes.cn show there are 200 million electric bicycle users in China; that’s one in seven people.

Standards

Being more affordable, e-bikes sell better than cars in China and the fastest models sell best.

The most recent e-bike standards were last issued in 1999. These require that e-bikes weigh no more than 40 kilogrammes; go no faster than 20 kilometres per hour; and have foot pedals built-in.

Under current regulations, road authorities can stop and penalise bikes in breach of these standards, with drivers subject to fines (though in reality most go unpunished). However, the public wants to see these outdated standards revamped.

At this year’s “twin sessions” political conference in Bejing, National Representative Zhang Tianren said 95% of electric bicycles failed to meet the 1999 standards. If true, this means that over 100 million e-bikes on the roads aren’t actually legal.

Restrictions on e-bikes aren’t just a matter for commuters – many other sectors are affected, including courier businesses and food deliveries.

Zhang, an e-bike rider at courier company Shentong Express, told chinadialogue that if his speed was limited to 20 kilometres per hour (in keeping with the 1999 standards), he wouldn’t be able to make so many collections and deliveries, damaging his income.

Going national

This isn’t Beijing’s first such clampdown. He Zuoxiu told chinadialogue that over 10 years ago, the car industry lobbied the city government to discourage e-bikes – but widespread opposition meant their efforts were unsuccessful.

Since then, complaints have grown about e-bike users ignoring traffic rules.

With the regulations unclear, these small and manoeuvrable vehicles often switch between bicycle and vehicle lanes and the pavement, slowing down faster-moving cars and intimidating pedestrians and those on traditional bikes.

Divisions of roads into vehicle lanes, bicycle lanes and pavements, which were made decades ago, have failed to keep up with the increasingly diverse modes of transport in Beijing.

“Electric bicycles themselves aren’t evil,” said Liu Daizong, who added that accidents involving cars cause much more harm than other forms of transport.

Offering potential solutions to the problem, Liu said electric bicycles should be categorised according to maximum speed, with driving licences needed to ride faster categories; better allocation of priority on the roads; and strict enforcement of traffic rules.

That way, safety could be improved and the environmental benefits of e-bikes retained in cities that have increasingly tough targets on cutting pollution and carbon.   
courtesy:chinadialogue